Turk ozodlik urushi
| Turk ozodlik urushi | |||||||||
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 Yuqori chapdan soat strelkasi bo‘ylab: Turk milliy harakati maqsadlarini belgilash uchun Sivas kongressida to‘plangan delegatsiya; frontga o‘q-dorilar olib ketayotgan turk fuqarolari; Kuva-yi Milliye piyoda askarlari; turk otliq qo‘shinlari; Turk armiyasining Smirnani egallashi; Anqaraning Ulus maydonida frontga jo‘nab ketishga tayyorlanayotgan qo‘shinlar. | |||||||||
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| Qoʻmondonlar | |||||||||
 Mustafo Kamol Posho Mustafo Fevzi Posho Mustafa Ismet Posho Kozim Karabekir Posho Fahrettin Posho Ali Fuod PoshoRefet Posho Nureddin Posho Ali Ihson Posho Choʻloq Usmon Cherkes Etem (1920-yilgacha)
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 Elefterios Venizelos Leonidas Paraskevopulos I Konstantin Dimitrios Gounaris  Anastasios Papulas Georgios Xatzianestis  Anri GuroAndoza:Country data Democratic Republic of Armenia Drastamat Kanayan Andoza:Country data Democratic Republic of Armenia Movses Silikyan  Sir George Milne----  Mehmed VI Damat Ferid Posho Suleyman Shefik Posho Anzavur Ahmad Posho Cherkes Etem---- Alisher
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Izohlar
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Turk ozodlik urushi[note 1] (1919-yil 15-may — 1923-yil 24-iyul) Birinchi jahon urushida magʻlubiyatga uchrab, undan keyin Usmonli imperiyasi boʻlib tashlangandan va bosib olingandan soʻng, Turk milliy harakati olib borgan bir qator harbiy yurishlar va inqilobdan iborat edi. Mojaro, Birinchi jahon urushidan keyingi Anadolu va Sharqiy Frakiyada ayniqsa oʻz taqdirini oʻzi belgilashga oid, Vilson tamoyillarini qoʻllash masalasida, turk millatchilarining ittifoqchi va separatistik kuchlarga qarshiligidan iborat edi. Inqilob Usmonli imperiyasining qulashi va Sharq masalasini yakunlab, Usmonli sultonligi hamda Usmonli xalifaligini tugatdi va Turkiya Respublikasini barpo etdi. Buning natijasida suverenitet sulton-xalifadan millatga oʻtdi va Respublika Turkiyasida millatchi inqilobiy islohotlar uchun zamin yaratildi.
Usmonlilar uchun Birinchi jahon urushi Mudros sulhi bilan yakunlangan boʻlsa-da, ittifoqchilar Sayks–Piko kelishuviga muvofiq yerlarni bosib olishni davom ettirdilar va sobiq Ittihod va taraqqiy qoʻmitasi aʼzolari hamda armanlarga qarshi genotsidda ishtirok etganlarni sud qilishni amalga oshirish uchun sharoit yaratdilar[11][12]. Shuning uchun usmonli qoʻmondonlari ittifoqchilar va Usmonli hukumatining qoʻshinlarini tarqatib yuborish haqidagi buyruqlariga boʻysunmadilar[manba kerak]. Tartibsizliklar sharoitida sulton Mehmed VI tartibni tiklash uchun general Mustafa Kamol posho (Atatürk)ni yubordi. Biroq u turk millatchi qarshilik harakatining yoʻlboshchisi va tashabbuskori boʻlib qoldi. Anadolidagi hokimiyat boʻshligʻi ustidan nazorat oʻrnatish uchun ittifoqchilar yunon tinchlikni saqlash kuchlarini yuborish va Smirnani bosib olishga (Izmir) kelishib oldilar. Bu esa diniy-millatlararo taranglikni keskin kuchaytirib, Turk ozodlik urushini boshlab berdi. Ittifoqchilar bilan kelishishga urinayotganini koʻrsatgach, Mustafo Kamol boshchiligida millatchi qarshi hukumat Anqarada tuzildi. Ittifoqchilar Usmonli „Istanbul hukumati“ni konstitutsiyani, parlamentni toʻxtatib turishga va Turkiya manfaatlariga zid boʻlgan Sevr shartnomasini imzolashga majburladilar. „Anqara hukumati“ esa bu bitimni noqonuniy, deb eʼlon qildi.
Turk kuchlari janubda fransuzlarni tor-mor etib, qayta safarbar qilingan qoʻshin qismlari bolsheviklar bilan birgalikda Armanistonni boʻlib oldi va bu 1921-yildagi Kars shartnomasi tuzilishiga sabab bo'ldi. Gʻarbiy front esa Yunon-turk urushi nomi bilan maʼlum. Ismet posho (Inonyu)ning militsiyani muntazam armiyaga birlashtirish faoliyati Anqara qoʻshinlari yunonlarga qarshi Birinchi va Ikkinchi Inonyu janglarida jang qilganida oʻz samarasini berdi. Yunonlar esa Kütahya–Eskishehir jangida gʻalaba qozonib, Anqaraga tomon yurish qildilar. Turklar ularning hujumini Sakarya jangida toʻxtatdilar va Buyuk hujumda qarshi zarba berib, yunon qoʻshinlarini quvib chiqarishdi. Urush Izmirning qayta egallanishi, Chanak inqirozi va Mudanyadagi yana bir sulh bitimi bilan yakunlandi.
Anqaradagi Buyuk Millat Majlisi qonuniy turk hukumati sifatida tan olindi va u Sèvrga nisbatan Turkiya uchun ancha qulayroq boʻlgan Lozanna shartnomasini imzoladi. Ittifoqchilar Anadolu va Sharqiy Frakiyadan qoʻshinlarini olib chiqib ketdilar, Usmonli hukumati agʻdarildi, monarxiya tugatildi va Turkiya Buyuk Millat Majlisi 1923-yil 29-oktyabrda Turkiya Respublikasini eʼlon qildi. Urush, Gretsiya va Turkiya oʻrtasidagi aholi almashinuvi[13], Usmonli imperiyasining boʻlib tashlanishi va sultonlikning bekor qilinishi bilan Usmonlilar davrini yakunladi va Otaturk islohotlari bilan turklar dunyoviy Turkiya millat-davlatini barpo etdilar. Turkiya demografiyasi armanlarga qarshi genotsid va yunon tilida soʻzlashuvchi, pravoslav nasroniy Rum xalqining surgun qilinishi oqibatida sezilarli darajada oʻzgardi[14]. Turk millatchi harakati mahalliy nasroniy aholilarni yoʻq qilish maqsadida qirgʻinlar va surgunlarni amalga oshirdi — bu Birinchi jahon urushi davridagi arman genotsidi va boshqa etnik tozalashning davomiyligi edi[15]. Natijada Anadoludagi tarixan yashagan nasroniylar deyarli butkul yoʻqoldi, musulmonlar ulushi aholi tarkibida 80 foizdan 98 foizga koʻtarildi[14].
Tarixiy zamin
Ikkinchi konstitutsiyaviy davrdagi notinch siyosiy jarayonlardan soʻng, Usmonli imperiyasi 1913-yilda sodir boʻlgan davlat toʻntarishi natijasida nazoratni qoʻlga olgan Ittihod va taraqqiy qoʻmitasi boshqaruvi ostiga oʻtdi va keyinroq Mahmud Shevket posho oʻldirilganidan soʻng oʻz hokimiyatini yanada mustahkamladi[manba kerak]. Dastlab Usmonli imperiyasining qulashi oldini olishni maqsad qilgan radikal inqilobiy guruh sifatida tuzilgan boʻlsa-da, Birinchi jahon urushi arafasiga kelib, yechimni millatchi va markazlashtiruvchi siyosatlarni amalga oshirishda deb bildi. Bolqon urushlaridagi yer yoʻqotishlari va Bolqon urushlari davrida musulmonlarning quvgʻin qilinishiga javoban Ittihodchilar yanada keskin millatchilik yoʻliga oʻtishdi. Hokimiyatni mustahkamlash harakatining bir qismi sifatida ular muxolif Hurriyat va itilof partiyasi siyosatchilarini taʼqib qilib, ularni chekka Sinopga surgun qilishdi[manba kerak].
Ittihodchilar Usmonli imperiyasini Birinchi jahon urushiga Germaniya va Avstriya-Vengriya tomonida olib kirdilar. Urush davomida Usmonli nasroniylariga — xususan, armanlar, Pont yunonlari va ossuriylarga qarshi genotsid siyosati yuritildi. Bu uch guruh ittifoqchilar tomonida qoʻzgʻolon koʻtaradi degan fitnaga asoslanib, ularga nisbatan jamoaviy jazolash qoʻllanildi. Shunga oʻxshash shubha va bosim turk millatchi hukumati tomonidan arab va kurd aholisiga ham qaratildi, bu esa mahalliy qoʻzgʻolonlarga sabab bo'ldi. Antanta davlatlari bu voqealarga javoban odatda Uch posho nomi bilan tanilgan Ittihod va taraqqiy rahbarlarini „insoniyatga qarshi jinoyatlar“da aybladilar va ularni javobgarlikka tortish bilan tahdid qildilar. Shu bilan birga, ular Usmonli hududlariga nisbatan mustamlakachilik niyatlariga ega boʻlib, urushdan keyingi Usmonli imperiyasini qayta taqsimlash haqidagi yozishmalar matbuotga sizib chiqdi va bu holat Sayks–Piko kelishuvi sifatida maʼlum boʻldi. Rossiyaning urushdan chiqishi va qisman Usmonlilar tomonidan Turk boʻgʻozlarining Rossiyaga moʻljallangan yuklar uchun yopilishi tufayli yuzaga kelgan fuqarolar urushi Antanta davlatlari uchun Usmonli imperiyasini urushdan chiqarib tashlash va Sharqiy frontni qayta ochish zaruratini kuchaytirdi.
Birinchi jahon urushi usmonchilik — imperiyachilik va koʻp millatli millatchilik gʻoyasiga yakun yasadi. 1913-yildan keyingi turk bo'lmagan guruhlarga nisbatan yomon munosabat va Birinchi jahon urushidan keyingi davrdagi katta ijtimoiy-siyosiy larzalar koʻplab ozchiliklarni imperiyadan yuz oʻgirib, oʻz kelajaklarini mustaqil, respublikachi millat-davlatlarda koʻrishga undadi[16]. 1918-yilga kelib Ittihodchilar tomonidan Usmonli nasroniylariga qarshi amalga oshirilgan turk millatchi siyosatlari natijasida Usmonli imperiyasi Sharqiy Frakiyadan to Fors chegaralarigacha asosan musulmonlardan iborat nisbatan bir xil tarkibli hududga egalik qildi. Bularning aksariyati turklar boʻlib, shuningdek, kurdlar, cherkeslar va Rumelidan kelgan muhojir guruhlar ham bor edi. Musulmon arablarning katta qismi endi Usmonli imperiyasi tashqarisida, ittifoqchilar bosib olgan hududlarda edi; ularning ayrim „imperiyachi“lari hanuz Usmonli sulton-xalifaligiga sodiq boʻlsa, boshqalari mustaqillik yoki Millatlar Ligasi mandati ostida ittifoqchilar himoyasini istar edi. Imperiya chegaralarida hali ham sezilarli yunon va arman ozchiliklari yashab qolgan boʻlsa-da, ularning koʻpchiligi endi Usmonli imperiyasi tarkibida qolishni istamasdi[17].
Izohlar
Manbalar
- ↑ Chester Neal Tate, Governments of the World: a Global Guide to Citizens' Rights and Responsibilities, Macmillan Reference USA/Thomson Gale, 2006, p. 205. (Wayback Machine saytida 9 June 2022 sanasida arxivlangan)
- ↑ John R. Ferrisga ko‘ra, „Anadoludagi hal qiluvchi turk g‘alabasi… 1918-yilgi sulh va Myunxen oralig‘ida Britaniyaning eng jiddiy strategik inqirozini, shuningdek Britaniya siyosatida keskin o‘zgarishni yuzaga keltirdi…“ Erik Goldstein va Brian McKerche, Power and Stability: British Foreign Policy, 1865–1965, 2004, p. 139
- ↑ Mevlüt Çelebi: Millî Mücadeleʼde İtalyan İşgalleri (tarjimasi: Milliy kurash davridagi Italiya bosqinlari), Atatürk Tadqiqot Markazi jurnali, 26-son.
- ↑ „British to defend Ismid-Black Sea line“ (Wayback Machine saytida 25 February 2021 sanasida arxivlangan), The New York Times, 19 July 1920.
- ↑ „Greeks enter Brussa; Turkish raids go on“ (Wayback Machine saytida 27 February 2021 sanasida arxivlangan), The New York Times, 11 July 1920.
- ↑ „Turk Nationalists capture Beicos“ (Wayback Machine saytida 1 March 2021 sanasida arxivlangan), The New York Times, 7 July 1920.
- ↑ „Allies occupy Constantinople; seize ministries“ (Wayback Machine saytida 25 February 2021 sanasida arxivlangan), The New York Times, 18 March 1920.
- ↑ „British to fight rebels in Turkey“ (Wayback Machine saytida 24 February 2021 sanasida arxivlangan), The New York Times, 1 May 1920.
- ↑ Nurettin Türsan, Burhan Göksel: Birinci Askeri Tarih Semineri: bildiriler, 1983, 42-bet (Wayback Machine saytida 15 January 2023 sanasida arxivlangan).
- ↑ Ahmet Özdemir, Savaş esirlerinin Milli mücadeledeki yeri (Wayback Machine saytida 18 September 2017 sanasida arxivlangan), Ankara University, Türk İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü Atatürk Yolu Dergisi, Edition 2, Number 6, 1990, pp. 328–332
- ↑ Zürcher, Erik Jan. The Unionist Factor: The Role of the Committee of Union and Progress in the Turkish National Movement, 1905-1926. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1984.
- ↑ Avedian, Vahagn (2012). "State Identity, Continuity, and Responsibility: The Ottoman Empire, the Republic of Turkey and the Armenian Genocide" (en). European Journal of International Law 23 (3): 797–820. doi:10.1093/ejil/chs056. ISSN 0938-5428. https://academic.oup.com/ejil/article/23/3/797/399905. Qaraldi: 14 April 2021.Turk ozodlik urushi]]
- ↑ Suny, Ronald Grigor. "They Can Live in the Desert but Nowhere Else": A History of the Armenian Genocide. Princeton University Press, 2015 — 364–365-bet. ISBN 978-1-4008-6558-1. The Armenian Genocide, along with the killing of Assyrians and the expulsion of the Anatolian Greeks, laid the ground for the more homogeneous nation-state that arose from the ashes of the empire. Like many other states, including Australia, Israel, and the United States, the emergence of the Republic of Turkey involved the removal and subordination of native peoples who had lived on its territory prior to its founding.
- Ronald Grigor Suny. Armenian Genocide, 26 May 2015.
- ↑ 14,0 14,1 Landis & Albert 2012, s. 264.
- ↑ *Üngör, Uğur Ümit. The Making of Modern Turkey: Nation and State in Eastern Anatolia, 1913–1950 (en). Oxford University Press, 2011 — 121-bet. ISBN 978-0-19-965522-9. „As such, the Greco-Turkish and Armeno-Turkish wars (1919–23) were in essence processes of state formation that represented a continuation of ethnic unmixing and exclusion of Ottoman Christians from Anatolia.“
- Kieser, Hans-Lukas. A Quest for Belonging: Anatolia Beyond Empire and Nation (19th-21st Centuries) (en). Isis Press, 2007 — 171-bet. ISBN 978-975-428-345-7. Qaraldi: 2021-yil 4-may (2023-yil 15-yanvarda asl nusxadan arxivlangan). „The Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 officially recognized the " ethnic cleansing " that had gone on during the Turkish War of Independence ( 1919 - 1922 ) for the sake of undisputed Turkish rule in Asia Minor .“
- Avedian, Vahagn (2012). "State Identity, Continuity, and Responsibility: The Ottoman Empire, the Republic of Turkey and the Armenian Genocide" (en). European Journal of International Law 23 (3): 797–820. doi:10.1093/ejil/chs056. ISSN 0938-5428. https://academic.oup.com/ejil/article/23/3/797/399905. Qaraldi: 14 April 2021. "The 'War of Independence' was not against the occupying Allies – a myth invented by Kemalists – but rather a campaign to rid Turkey of remaining non-Turkish elements. In fact, Nationalists never clashed with Entente occupying forces until the French forces with Armenian contingents and Armenian deportees began to return to Cilicia in late 1919."Turk ozodlik urushi]]
- Kévorkian, Raymond „The Final Phase: The Cleansing of Armenian and Greek Survivors, 1919–1922“, . Collective and State Violence in Turkey: The Construction of a National Identity from Empire to Nation-State (en). Berghahn Books, 2020 — 165-bet. ISBN 978-1-78920-451-3. „The famous 'war of national liberation', prepared by the Unionists and waged by Kemal, was a vast operation, intended to complete the genocide by finally eradicating Armenian, Greek, and Syriac survivors.“
- Gingeras, Ryan. Fall of the Sultanate: The Great War and the End of the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1922 (en). Oxford University Press, 2016 — 288-bet. ISBN 978-0-19-967607-1. „While the number of victims in Ankara's deportations remains elusive, evidence from other locations suggest that the Nationalists were as equally disposed to collective punishment and population politics as their Young Turk antecedents... As in the First World War, the mass deportation of civilians was symptomatic of how precarious the Nationalists felt their prospects were.“
- Kieser, Hans-Lukas. Talaat Pasha: Father of Modern Turkey, Architect of Genocide. Princeton University Press, 2018 — 319–320-bet. ISBN 978-1-4008-8963-1. „Thus, from spring 1919, Kemal Pasha resumed, with ex- CUP forces, domestic war against Greek and Armenian rivals. These were partly backed by victors of World War I who had, however, abstained from occupying Asia Minor. The war for Asia Minor— in national diction, again a war of salvation and independence, thus in- line with what had begun in 1913— accomplished Talaat's demographic Turkification beginning on the eve of World War I. Resuming Talaat's Pontus policy of 1916– 17, this again involved collective physical annihilation, this time of the Rûm of Pontus at the Black Sea.“
- Kieser, Hans-Lukas. {{{title}}}.
- Levene, Mark (2020). "Through a Glass Darkly: The Resurrection of Religious Fanaticism as First Cause of Ottoman Catastrophe". Journal of Genocide Research 22 (4): 553–560. doi:10.1080/14623528.2020.1735560. ISSN 1462-3528. "Ittihadist violence was as near as near could be optimal against the Armenians (and Syriacs) and in the final Kemalist phase was quantitively entirely the greater in an increasingly asymmetric conflict where, for instance, Kemal could deport "enemies" into a deep interior in a way that his adversaries could not..., it was the hard men, self-styled saviours of the Ottoman-Turkish state, and – culminating in Kemal – unapologetic génocidaires, who were able to wrest its absolute control."
- Ze'evi, Dror; Morris, Benny. The Thirty-Year Genocide: Turkey's Destruction of Its Christian Minorities, 1894–1924 (en). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019 — 672-bet. ISBN 9780674916456.
- Levon Marashlian, „Finishing the Genocide: Cleansing Turkey of Armenian Survivors, 1920-1923,“ in Remembrance and Denial: The Case of the Armenian Genocide, ed. Richard Hovannisian (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1999), pp. 113-45: „Between 1920 and 1923, as Turkish and Western diplomats were negotiating the fate of the Armenian Question at peace conferences in London, Paris, and Lausanne, thousands of Armenians of the Ottoman Empire who had survived the massacres and deportations of World War I continued to face massacres, deportations, and persecutions across the length and breadth of Anatolia. Events on the ground, diplomatic correspondence, and news reports confirmed that it was the policy of the Turkish Nationalists in Angora, who eventually founded the Republic of Turkey, to eradicate the remnants of the empireʼs Armenian population and finalize the expropriation of their public and private properties.“
- Marashlian, Levon „Finishing the Genocide: Cleansing Turkey of Armenian Survivors, 1920-1923“, . Remembrance and Denial: The Case of the Armenian Genocide. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1998 — 113–45-bet. ISBN 978-0-8143-2777-7. „Between 1920 and 1923, as Turkish and Western diplomats were negotiating the fate of the Armenian Question at peace conferences in London, Paris, and Lausanne, thousands of Armenians of the Ottoman Empire who had survived the massacres and deportations of World War I continued to face massacres, deportations, and persecutions across the length and breadth of Anatolia. Events on the ground, diplomatic correspondence, and news reports confirmed that it was the policy of the Turkish Nationalists in Angora, who eventually founded the Republic of Turkey, to eradicate the remnants of the empire's Armenian population and finalize the expropriation of their public and private properties.“
- Shirinian, George N.. Genocide in the Ottoman Empire: Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks, 1913-1923 (en). Berghahn Books, 2017 — 62-bet. ISBN 978-1-78533-433-7. „The argument that there was a mutually signed agreement for the population exchange ignores the fact that the Ankara government had already declared[manba kerak] its intention that no Greek should remain on Turkish soil before the exchange was even discussed. The final killing[manba kerak] and expulsion of the Greek population of the Ottoman Empire in 1920–24 was part of a series of hostile actions that began even before Turkey’s entry into World War I.“
- Adalian, Rouben Paul (1999). "Ataturk, Mustafa Kemal". in Charny, Israel W. (en). Encyclopedia of Genocide: A-H. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-0-87436-928-1. https://www.armenian-genocide.org/kemal.html. "Mustafa Kemal completed what Talaat and Enver had started in 1915, the eradication of the Armenian population of Anatolia and the termination of Armenian political aspirations in the Caucasus. With the expulsion of the Greeks, the Turkification and Islamification of Asia Minor was nearly complete."<!--->
- Morris, Benny; Ze'evi, Dror. The Thirty-Year Genocide: Turkey's Destruction of Its Christian Minorities, 1894–1924. Harvard University Press, 2019. ISBN 978-0-674-91645-6. „The Greek seizure of Smyrna and the repeated pushes inland— almost to the outskirts of Ankara, the Nationalist capital—coupled with the largely imagined threat of a Pontine breakaway, triggered a widespread, systematic four- year campaign of ethnic cleansing in which hundreds of thousands of Ottoman Greeks were massacred and more than a million deported to Greece... throughout 1914–1924, the overarching aim was to achieve a Turkey free of Greeks.“
- Meichanetsidis, Vasileios Th. (2015). "The Genocide of the Greeks of the Ottoman Empire, 1913–1923: A Comprehensive Overview". Genocide Studies International 9 (1): 104–173. doi:10.3138/gsi.9.1.06. https://muse.jhu.edu/journal/690. Qaraldi: 8 December 2022. "The genocide was committed by two subsequent and chronologically, ideologically, and organically interrelated and interconnected dictatorial and chauvinist regimes: (1) the regime of the CUP, under the notorious triumvirate of the three pashas (Üç Paşalar), Talât, Enver, and Cemal, and (2) the rebel government at Samsun and Ankara, under the authority of the Grand National Assembly (Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi) and Kemal. Although the process had begun before the Balkan Wars, the final and most decisive period started immediately after WWI and ended with the almost total destruction of the Pontic Greeks ..."Turk ozodlik urushi]]
- ↑ Gingeras 2022, s. 101.
- ↑ Mango 2002, s. 189.
Adabiyotlar
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